Germany Delays Major Family Reform Promises
Germany vowed to put families at the centre of its agenda, yet parents say they’re still waiting for the promised reforms.
The German government has declared a major shift: according to the coalition agreement, “families are the focus” of its policies. From stronger maternity protections to increased parental benefits, a wide range of measures has been planned — yet few have actually been passed. This gap between promise and action is drawing criticism from parents, experts, and even members of the governing parties, as many wonder when tangible assistance for families will finally arrive.
Self-Employed Mothers Demand Maternity Protection
In a striking protest, craftswoman Johanna Röh recently unveiled a statue outside the Bundestag in Berlin. The artwork depicted Lady Justice as a pregnant figure with eight arms, juggling a baby, a laptop, a calendar, milk bottles and toys — a vivid symbol of the multitasking burden many women face, especially self-employed mothers like Röh. For Röh, a 37-year-old master carpenter and business owner from Lower Saxony, this image is painfully personal. In 2022, during her own pregnancy, she discovered what lack of support means for self-employed women: “No maternity leave – instead, a risk of insolvency,” as she describes the situation. Feeling powerless, she started an online petition that year and co-founded a nonprofit association of those affected. Her advocacy quickly gained traction, shining a spotlight on the issue of maternity protections for the self-employed.
Röh’s campaign is now bearing fruit. Germany’s Federal Minister for Family Affairs, Karin Prien (CDU), has announced plans to introduce a law on maternity leave for self-employed women by early 2026. “Good,” says Röh — this is exactly what she and many others have been fighting for. However, any new law will come too late for Röh personally: “I cannot afford a second child,” she says, explaining that she cannot put her business on the knife’s edge again for another maternity break now that she is already responsible for one child. She simply could not weather a months-long pause in income again without risking her company’s survival. Unfortunately, Röh’s predicament is common. Many women — whether self-employed or salaried — face similar dilemmas in Germany’s current system. “We want people to be able to choose family — if they want — and count on reliable support,” the Family Ministry told reporters when asked, stressing that in light of demographic trends it’s vital to enable those who wish to have children to do so with security.
Government Under Fire for Lack of Action
The coalition of centre-right CDU/CSU (the “Union”) and centre-left SPD took office promising a new focus on families. “Families are at the heart” of their governing agreement, it proclaims. Yet critics say little has been delivered. Denise Loop, a family-policy spokesperson from the opposition Greens, argues the government is currently doing “too little” for expectant parents and young families. Loop points out that Minister Prien “has not presented anything concrete yet” in the family-policy domain, focusing mostly on education so far. This raises the question: is the Family Ministry a blank spot in the cabinet? That provocative topic is even the subject of a recent episode of Berlin Code, a political podcast from ARD’s capital bureau.
Prien’s focus on education is no coincidence. Until joining the federal cabinet, Karin Prien served as Education Minister in the state of Schleswig-Holstein. When she became the federal minister for Family Affairs in early 2025, the ministry itself was restructured. It not only covers families, seniors, youth and women as before, but now also oversees education, which was previously under the research ministry. This expanded portfolio may help explain Prien’s initial priorities. Still, family advocates note that time is running while parents await relief.
To her credit, Minister Prien has pushed forward some initiatives. She extended a federal program to improve daycare quality: under the “Kita Quality Act”, Berlin is providing €4 billion to Germany’s states over the next two years. States can use the funds to boost early childhood education — for example by supporting language-learning programs and securing more qualified childcare staff. There are also plans (at least on paper) to channel money from a massive €500 billion infrastructure fund into modernizing schools and daycare centres. These investments aim to tackle one major barrier to family-friendliness: the availability and quality of childcare and schooling.
Childcare Key to Work-Life Balance
Starting in 2026, a new policy will take effect to further help parents: a legal entitlement to all-day care in primary schools, beginning with first graders and gradually expanding to higher grades. This is expected to greatly aid the work-family balance for parents of young children. “Childcare is essential for reconciling family and career,” says Saskia Esken of the SPD, who chairs the Family Affairs Committee in parliament. Germany has expanded childcare in recent years, but Esken notes much remains to be done — especially if the country wants to disprove narratives like opposition leader Friedrich Merz’s claim that ‘people in Germany are not working enough’. “That [claim] has to do with women working fewer hours, because there is simply no other way,” Esken explains, pointing out that many mothers can only work part-time due to family responsibilities.
Indeed, statistics bear out a stark gender gap in work patterns. Nearly half of employed women in Germany work part-time, compared to just about 12 % of men. In 2024, roughly 49% of working women were in part-time roles, versus only 12% of working men. This disparity is even higher for parents of young children — around 68% of mothers with under-age children work part-time, whereas most fathers work full-time. The imbalance extends to parental leave as well. While Germany’s parental-allowance system (Elterngeld) is open to both mothers and fathers, men take much shorter leaves on average. New fathers claimed an average of just 3.8 months of Elterngeld in 2024, compared to about 14.8 months for mothers. In other words, mothers tend to shoulder the bulk of prolonged caregiving after a child’s birth. These patterns underscore why boosting childcare access and workplace flexibility is so crucial: without it, mothers often curtail their careers, and families struggle to combine earning and caring.
To address this, Minister Prien recently launched what she calls a “societal Pact for more Family-Friendliness.” The idea is to bring together employers, communities and policymakers to make it easier for parents — particularly mothers — to increase their work hours if they choose. The pact envisions more flexible work models and reliable childcare nationwide so that women aren’t forced into part-time roles by default. However, how this pact will work in practice remains vague. Thus far it amounts to an intention; concrete measures or incentives under the pact have yet to be defined.
Calls to Modernize Tax and Benefits
Another debate brewing in Berlin is over reforming the tax code to better support families. Minister Prien has floated the idea of shifting from the traditional “spousal income splitting” tax system to a “family splitting” model. What exactly she means by this is still unclear — her ministry acknowledges that initial discussions are underway but “no final decisions” have been made yet. The concept, however, has intrigued many because it touches on a long-standing policy controversy in Germany.
What is Germany’s spousal income splitting, and why consider a family splitting model?
Under the current spousal income-splitting system, married couples can pool their incomes and be taxed as if each earned half. This often results in a much lower overall tax bill for couples with one high earner and one low (or non-) earner. Critics argue that spousal splitting reinforces old-fashioned gender roles — it rewards families where one partner (typically the wife) stays home or works much less, discouraging women’s full-time employment. The proposed family-splitting would instead base tax benefits on the number of dependents, not just marital status. For example, it could give greater tax allowances per child, or otherwise distribute benefits more evenly so that working parents with children receive relief, whether or not one parent earns significantly less. The exact design is still to be decided, but the goal would be a fairer system that reflects modern family realities rather than assuming a male breadwinner and a homemaker. However, any major change faces political resistance — the conservative CDU/CSU camp has traditionally defended the existing splitting. Even if some progressive voices in the ruling parties see the need for change, “unfortunately not the entire Union is convinced,” as Esken observes. For now, substantial reform in this area appears unlikely under the current coalition.
The government is also under pressure to update financial support for new parents. A key issue is parental allowance (Elterngeld) — a state benefit paid to parents who take time off work in the first year or two after a child’s birth. Since its introduction in 2007, the allowance amounts have never been increased. The coalition agreement mentions raising Elterngeld, but “all these plans are subject to financing,” Esken notes. In plain terms, if the state can’t find the money, the improvements won’t happen. Given the large budget deficits Germany is currently facing, the prospects don’t look good. In mid-2023 the government in fact had to tighten Elterngeld eligibility for high earners as part of emergency budget cuts, underscoring how fiscal constraints are directly impacting family programmes. With a looming funding squeeze, promises like boosting parental pay or expanding benefits may remain on paper only.
No Dedicated Paternity Leave Under the New Government
One family-friendly measure that definitely will not be implemented by the CDU-SPD government is a short “paternity leave” for new fathers. The previous administration (a centre-left “traffic-light” coalition) had intended to introduce a 10-day paid leave for fathers or second parents immediately after the birth of a child. This would have brought Germany in line with many European countries and fulfilled an EU directive requiring at least ten days of paid paternity leave. However, those plans faltered before the government changed. Now the new black-red coalition has clearly stated it will not pursue a paternity-leave mandate.
The EU Work-Life Balance Directive (2019/1158) does oblige every member state — including Germany — to create a statutory 10-day paid leave for new fathers or equivalent second parents. Yet when asked about this, officials at the Family Ministry insist that Germany “does not have to implement” a standalone paternity leave. They argue that under current conditions, the existing parental leave and Elterngeld system already covers fathers’ needs. Indeed, German law lets fathers take paid parental leave in the weeks after a birth (supported by the Elterngeld stipend), so the government’s position is that a separate paternity leave isn’t necessary. Critics, however, note that in practice very few fathers take only a brief two-week leave; most either take no leave or a longer parental leave months later. As a result, the first days post-birth still often see mothers bearing the load. Regardless, as of now there will be no dedicated “father’s quota” of leave introduced by this government, sidestepping what had been a popular demand among family-advocacy groups and EU social-policy proponents.
Advocacy Continues Amid Budget Constraints
Ultimately, much in family policy comes down to money — a fact not lost on campaigners like Johanna Röh. “Families don’t have a big lobby,” Röh observes, meaning they often struggle to have their issues prioritised. Only when many affected people band together, she notes, does political movement happen — as seen in the push for maternity protection for self-employed women. The recent progress on that front, from a petition to a forthcoming bill, shows that persistent civic engagement can yield results. But Röh makes clear she and fellow activists won’t rest until they are satisfied. With Germany’s birth rate low and its population ageing, the stakes are high: making it feasible for people to raise families is not just a private matter but a national imperative. Whether it’s through more supportive laws or grassroots pressure, the drive for a more family-friendly Germany is far from over — and many parents will be watching closely to see if the government’s lofty promises translate into concrete help in the coming years.
Sources: fr.de zdfheute.de statistikportal.de rnd.de tagesspiegel.de